Partially read = Wrongly read

Written by Hritam Saha
Edited by Siddhant Sharma
I'll start with a discussion between a law student and an engineering student. They were discussing about authorities who lawfully can have weapons. Subsequently, at a point in time, they started talking about the Indian Police. The engineering student said that the police not only have weapons in the form of guns but they also have a 'weapon in the form of a law’ under which anybody can be booked for disapproving the might of the government. The law student agreed with him and said that the weaponry law is 124A of IPC.

Is the police reading explanations- 2 and 3 of Section 124A of the Indian Penal Code?

There is a famous saying that 'your liberty to punch ends at that point on and from which my nose starts'.
The above-stated phrase has three entities— the first entity is liberty symbolized as the freedom of punching, and the second is the restriction symbolized as the nose and the third is the line that separate liberty and restrictions.
It is writ large from part 3 of the Constitution of India that only the freedoms, adumbrated under the shelter of article 19 of the same, are having express restrictions regarding each other. Henceforth, at the time of weaving the Constitution, our learned forefathers and foremothers, themselves, had envisaged that the Constitution shall grant liberties though with restrictions. However, the learned framers have not adjoined any restrictions to the other freedom-conferring articles of the constitution. Why they have not done so is a subject of another day but a hint is left that is the article- 19 bestows physically effectual freedom whereas the other articles of freedom represent the philosophical dogmas of the Constitution. E.g. Article 14 and 21. That it is worth mentioning that when the Constitution of India came into force on 26 January 1950 article 19(1)(a) of the same was not having the counter-draft of article 19(2) to 19(1)(a) and the corollary is the said freedom was immune to the might of the government. However, the Nehruvian’ government in the year 1951, by the effect of the first amendment, ended the immunising period of the said article.
One of such restrictions is section 124A of the Indian Penal code that the executive regime has used as a sword and shield against the freedom conferred by article 19(1)[ a, b, c] of the Constitution of India.

[124A. Sedition.—Whoever, by words, either spoken or written, or by signs, or by visible representation, or otherwise, brings or attempts to bring into hatred or contempt, or excites or attempts to excite disaffection towards, the Government estab­lished by law in India, shall be punished with im­prisonment for life, to which fine may be added, or with impris­onment which may extend to three years, to which fine may be added, or with fine.

Explanation 1.—The expression “disaffection” includes disloyalty and all feelings of enmity.

Explanation 2.—Comments expressing disapprobation of the meas­ures of the Government to obtain their alteration by lawful means, without exciting or attempting to excite hatred, contempt or disaffection, do not constitute an offence under this section.

Explanation 3.—Comments expressing disapprobation of the admin­istrative or other action of the Government without exciting or attempting to excite hatred, contempt or disaffection, do not constitute an offence under this section.]
The buoying tussle between the interpretation of 'disaffection' and 'disapprobation' is a point of contention and to eradicate this contention our skullduggery police are not reading Explanations— 2 and 3 of 124A.
The word 'disapprobation' is not defined in Section 124A whereas the word disaffection is defined. Therefore, did the legislature have wanted to leave the formulation of the definition of disapprobation upon the executive, notwithstanding, the word being incorporated under the vindicating explanations (2 and 3) of section 124A? This question could have been answered by the late Lord Thomas Babington Macaulay but it is too late.
The learned courts have interpreted 'disapprobation' as mere disapproval and disagreement to the measures and administrative functions of the government but what the courts have not defined till now is that what could be the harmonic modes of demonstrating disapproval.
Article 19(1)(b) of the Constitution of India uses this expression that is 'to assemble peacefully and without arms'. Does the word peacefully mean remaining silent or being a speaker with zero volume? Or is it mean to speak without exiting anyone. It is, indescribable, even for the sociologists to lay down a uniform code of conduct in respect of which conducts will not excite anyone in anyone in any way whatsoever. A conduct that is acceptable in the west may not be so in the east. However, humanitarian grounds are uniform, hence keeping those grounds in mind, can aid the learned to draw up the Dos and Don'ts that must be adhered to while demonstrating disagreement.
There have been a total of 326 cases registered under the sedition law between 2014 and 2019 in India and out of these only 6 cases have seen the light of convictions. What does this record convey a lazy trial system of the Indian Judiciary or the police defining disapprobation as disaffection thereby paving way for subsequent acquittal? The answer can be well given by the police. However, it is palpable that at least a tincture of contortion is taking place at the disposal of the police.
That considering the circumstances that are taken to be a contributing factor, by the police, for holding an offence under section 124A, it is a reasonable surmise that the police are bounding and butting their reading within the precincts of 1st paragraph and explanation-1 of section  124-A.

Democracy is a device that beacons the participation of the people, however, the participation is not for solving problems for a lifetime but for resolving to solve problems whenever such arise.

Tomorrow, next week, next month, next year and so on so forth, neither the court nor the civil society can fully convert this half-reading to a full reading. However, a little effort, by the learned to read the full, can be the teacher, gradually, teaching how to read a text in entirety.

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The Drain Team

The Drain is a news, analysis, opinion and information initiative. We shed light on the overlooked stories which are shaping the contemporary world. We aim to bring out stories which are usually ditched and drained by the mainstream media, but are of utmost importance to the people.